Mataram o Rei (Portuguese Edition)

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  1. Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" | Page 23 | Alternate History Discussion
  2. Citações equivocadas
  3. João, Príncipe das Astúrias
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The Hispanic American Historical Review , v. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, , p. Informe de Tadeo Haenke, Cochabamba, 28 mar. Para uma tipologia mais geral: Coatsworth, John H. In: Katz, Friedrich ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, , p. In: Ballivian, Manuel V.


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    Lisboa: Oficina de Miguel Rodrigues, Rio de Janeiro: Xerox, , max. C, f. Juan Barthelemi Berdugo ao rei, San Juan, 1 mar. Buenos Aires: Futuro, , t. Levrault, , p. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. In this way, and despite the formation of a new political party, the Sidonista project marked, in the eyes of its supporters, a rupture with politicians and their parties.

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    Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" | Page 23 | Alternate History Discussion

    The idea of a corporative model was thus reconciled with the negation of conflict and private interests as represented in the traditional parties. The war was thus fought half-heartedly. So far as the mobilization of civil society is concerned, three distinct groupings that supported the dictatorship can be identified: first, those who were content with the declaration of a state of emergency; second, those who defended the creation of a new regime; and, finally, the monarchists, intent on restoration.

    Of 77 senatorial seats, 28 were attributed to representatives of professional associations, including both employers or employees; doctors, lawyers and engineers; civil servants; and faculty members at universities, artistic academies, or high schools. The remaining 49 seats were attributed to the common electorate, nine of which were reserved for political minorities.

    Citações equivocadas

    In addition, the widening of the electoral body brought the number of registered voters to ,, increased from the , or so at the beginning of the Republic. Still, and despite the announced political reforms, there remained the feeling that Sidonismo would only last for as long as the war did. In a country that had entered the conflict in March and dispatched its first contingent to the Western Front only the following year, the coup was simply a way of marking time. With this event, there began the tension between the reality of his regime and its memory, as propagated by his followers.

    The simple fact is that, from a strictly political point of view, the dictatorship was always an incomplete regime. There were elections but no new constitution; there were councils, but these did not deliberate. As a result, this incomplete nature, related to the fact that the enthusiasm initially generated by corporate representation had gradually cooled off, led the government to rapidly lose its credentials.

    But there was a twist: were the years in which the political and ideological tendencies of a fascist or proto-fascist character began to gain traction Cabral, Nevertheless, it was precisely the Armistice and his death which brought about a significant increase in chaotic military interventions, carried out by independent factions devoid of any institutional sense Ferreira, While the armed forces broke down into various factions, fragmenting and undertaking isolated and unrelated coups, civilians were busy organizing themselves.

    The repeated crises faced by Portuguese liberal republicanism questioned its ability to implement a political project on a larger scale. Against this background, various opposition groups came together to confront the existing system of liberal representation and present Portuguese society with a new alternative. In most cases, this opposition was carried out under a markedly anti-liberal profile, although there was as of yet no unanimity on some important points, such as the nature of the new regime to be built.

    Fragile though this guidance was, it was still much clearer than it had been before the sidonista dictatorship Leal, At the very least, their support allowed them the space in which to make their case for monarchy. Rather, the contrary happened; the crisis deepened. In this respect, it is worthwhile analyzing the perspective of anti-republican unity established by Sidonismo.


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    • Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império".
    • To a large extent, it established itself against the will of the dictator. However, it was not Germanophilia which drove him, but rather fears for the future of the Republic should it involve itself in a conflict outside Africa Silva, That is why you acclaimed him as an envoy from Heaven, who had come not just to drive out a criminal government and a criminal president, and an unworthy parliament, moneylenders at the Temple of the Fatherland, but also to restore peace to your conscience, order and tranquility to your home, bread and comfort to your sons, and exalt in foreign eyes this beloved Fatherland, as unhappy as it is loved.

      In this sense, it is worth reinforcing the idea that Sidonismo was a victorious ideology. The actual opinions and values of the dead dictator counted for little.

      Elmo de batalha de Dom Sebastião, Rei de Portugal

      Despite its difficulties in consolidating itself as a regime, it preserved its ability to bring together all the forces opposed to the Republic. Ideological currents, political parties, and civic associations of a conservative and authoritarian nature allowed for convergence within various segments of opposition to the Republic. Among the former, although divided into republican and monarchist factions, unification occurred around a nationalist, anti-liberal and authoritarian project.

      This was a space disputed by republicans and monarchists alike, which allowed for a widening of the anti-republican field.

      João, Príncipe das Astúrias

      The growth of anti-liberal groups did not mean, however, that there was unity among them. In its very first edition, the Magazine Ordem Nova pointed towards the fragmentation of the various political currents, even on the right. Curiously, it was those who were most independent within the various rightist tendencies who denounced their lack of unity:. Where one finds four men with identical points of view or an identical lack of points of view, which is also common , one will find also a tendency for that group to split into two groups of two. As a result, the presumed unity of the right was the result of a victorious coup rather than of a unified program of action.

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